PRESENTATION OUTLINE
current money
- The coins are from $10 (diez pesos), $50 (cincuenta pesos), $100 (cien pesos), to $500 (quinientos pesos) (low to high in spanish, actual currency)
- Banknotes or Paper Money, are from $1.000 (mil pesos), $2.000 (dos mil pesos), $5.000 (cinco mil pesos), $10.000 (diez mil pesos) to $20.000 (veinte mil pesos) (low to high in spanish, actual currency)
parque nacional torres del paine
Rapa nui
- LOCATED IN POLYNESIA, OCEANIA, IN THE MIDDLE OF THE PACIFIC OCEAN AT 3700 KILOMETERS FROM CALDERA. CURRENTLY, THEY SHOULD BE A POPULATION APART FROM OUR CULTURE, JUST AS THEY ASK AND ALSO THEIR TRADITIONS BE RESPECTED, THAT MEANS RETURNING THE THINGS BELONGING TO THEM THAT WE HAVE APPROPRIATED.
important data
- Sebastián Piñera is the president and the system of government is democracy
- The majority religion in Chile is Catholicism
- The emancipation was declared on Jan. 1, 1818 through the Chilean Independence Act, officially sworn on Feb. 12, 1818. This declaration was recognized by Spain on Apr. 24, 1844. The independence treaty is signed in the city of Talca.
Tradition and culture
- Popular foods in Chile are part of the culture; sopaipillas, empanadas, arrollado de huaso, pastel de choclo, mote con huesillo, curanto en hoyo, etc. (in spanish).
- Traditions (which I personally do not like completely); La fiesta de la vendimia, el Rodeo, and other more entrenched; like celebrate september 18 dancing ''cueca'' our typical national dance.
people who marked history
- Violeta Parra
- Victor Jara
- Nicanor Parra
- Salvador Allende
- Pinochet
- Pablo Neruda
- Gabriela Mistral
- Alejandro Jodorowsky
''CHILE DESPERTÓ, LADRANDO COMO MATAPACO''
"Evade, not pay, another way of fighting" was the slogan that hundreds of students chanted at the entrance of the Metro stations, from Monday 14 onwards. The conflict began to escalate, with the tacit support of a large part of the population, when the Metro fare reaches, at peak hours, 830 Chilean pesos (1.2 dollars in American currency). Together with the slogans, the students entered the Metro stations and skipped the turnstiles avoiding the payment of the ticket.
But it was not until Friday 18 that the conflict expanded and amplified with demonstrations in stations of high concurrence of users, which altered the regular operation of Metro, which transports daily approximately 2.8 million people from Santiago. Stations began to close and repression increased in different places, altering the entire transport system of a city of 7 million inhabitants.
At nightfall, the police were apparently outdated and the government threatened protesters with the application of the State Internal Security Law and offered no way out of rates. That is, only the protest was criminalized accusing protesters of "vandals and criminals." At 8.30 p.m. the pans began to sound in different neighborhoods of Santiago and many protesters gathered at the entrance of several Metro stations and with a greater presence of young people from the popular neighborhoods
- of our towns - the outbreak of rage came accumulated by majorities who live daily social precariousness and structural inequality that neoliberalism configured, materialized and naturalized in Chilean society, from the Pinochet dictatorship to date. Attacks and fire of some Metro stations were started, plus the looting of commercial stores and supermarkets. At this point the Metro had suspended all its operations in the city and the government met urgently in La Moneda, to decree, after midnight, the "state of emergency", which delivered the maintenance of public order to the military.
The government's strategy was wrong and late in all its stages. On Friday, when the conflict escalated, it only offered repression, which further stimulated the mobilization that took unprecedented forms: the attack on the Metro stations that in a few hours destroyed and caused fires of different magnitude - the damages add up to several million pesos - that They left the Metro practically out of service (damage is still assessed and it is not known how long the restitution of the service will take).
On Saturday 19, with a state of emergency in exercise, the demonstrations took a double turn: a) together with the public expression of the discomfort through caceroleos and demonstrations in plazas and large avenues, the looting to supermarkets and pharmacies multiplied; and b) the protest extended to the provinces and became national, from north to south of the country, at least from Iquique to Punta Arenas, with greater intensity in Valparaíso and Concepción, the two largest cities after Santiago.
In this phase of the mobilization, still in development, the state of emergency was challenged and disobeyed by the population, to the point that on Saturday night the "curfew" was imposed in Santiago, Valparaíso and Concepción. Nor did the curfew reach the expected effects and public demonstrations and looting continued.
Chile lived then, the biggest “social outbreak” since democracy recovered, that is to say in the last 30 years. An explosion that nobody could imagine or anticipate, although many admit today, that the symptoms existed and have existed for quite some time. As a culmination of what we have narrated, President Piñera, in the succession of errors and fantasies of his government, declared on Sunday October 20, at dusk, that "we were at war."
The Mapuche movement since the late 90s; the student, secondary and university movement (backpack, in 2002; penguin revolution, in 2006; movement for public education, in 2011); the “No + AFP” movement [1] since 2016; the “feminist may” of 2018; the various socio-environmental movements and the struggle for "water and territories"; the struggles and strike of teachers in 2018, etc. All these struggles have a high value, but so far lack sufficient instances of coordination and unification.
